Zum Sozialprofil der AfD-Abgeordneten im Bundestag: bedingt parlamentsfähig

Peter Rütters

doi:10.5771/0340-1758-2019-1-59

Contents
- Chapter Expand | CollapseAuthorsPage
- Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis
- 1–2 EDITORIAL Suzanne S. Schüttemeyer Suzanne S. Schüttemeyer 1–2
- 3–166 DOKUMENTATION UND ANALYSEN 3–166
  - 3–21 Reform der Bundestagswahlkreise: Unterstützung durch mathematische Optimierung Sebastian Goderbauer, Marco Lübbecke Sebastian Goderbauer, Marco Lübbecke 3–21
  - 22–41 Die politische Urteilsbildung der Wählerschaft im Vorfeld der Bundestagswahl 2017 . Eine empirische Analyse in der Tradition von „The People’s Choice“ Markus Klein, , Frederik Springer, Lena Masch, Dieter Ohr, Ulrich Rosar Markus Klein, , Frederik Springer, Lena Masch, Dieter Ohr, Ulrich Rosar 22–41
  - 42–58 Daten zur Berufsstruktur des Deutschen Bundestages in der 19. Wahlperiode Melanie, Kintz, Malte Cordes Melanie, Kintz, Malte Cordes 42–58
  - 59–80 Zum Sozialprofil der AfD-Abgeordneten im Bundestag: bedingt parlamentsfähig Peter Rütters Peter Rütters 59–80
  - 81–98 Die Sozialstruktur der deutschen Parteimitgliedschaften. Empirische Befunde der Deutschen Parteimitgliederstudien 1998, 2009 und 2017 Markus Klein, Philipp Becker, Lisa Czeczinski, Yvonne Lüdecke, Bastian Schmidt, Frederik Springer Markus Klein, Philipp Becker, Lisa Czeczinski, Yvonne Lüdecke, Bastian Schmidt, Frederik Springer 81–98
  - 99–113 Neutralitätspflicht für (Partei-)Amtsträger? Verfassungsrechtliche Grenzen der Einflussnahme bei Durchführung eines Mitgliedervotums Alexander Hobusch Alexander Hobusch 99–113
  - 114–129 Typwechsel 2017? Vom moderaten zum polarisierten Pluralismus Aiko Wagner Aiko Wagner 114–129
  - 130–148 Erosion der Abgrenzung? Das Verhältnis der CDU zur Linkspartei in historischer Perspektive Thorsten Holzhauser Thorsten Holzhauser 130–148
  - 149–166 Radikal-nationalistische Regierungspolitik. Die norwegische Fortschrittspartei Sven Jochem Sven Jochem 149–166
- 167–186 AUFSATZ 167–186
  - Vom Kampf ums Frauenwahlrecht zur Parité: Politische Repräsentation von Frauen gestern und heute Gabriele Abels, Anne Cress Gabriele Abels, Anne Cress
- 187–212 REZENSIONEN 187–212
- 213–217 ABSTRACTS 213–217
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ZParl Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen , page 59 - 80

Zum Sozialprofil der AfD-Abgeordneten im Bundestag: bedingt parlamentsfähig

Autoren

Peter Rütters

DOI
- doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-1-59
- ISSN: 0340-1758
- ISSN online: 0340-1758
Zusammenfassung

Just one year after its foundation in 2013, the far right party Alternative for Germany (AfD) succeeded in being represented in every German state parliament as well as in the European Parliament. In 2017, 94 AfD representatives were elected into the Bundestag, gaining roughly a 13 percent share of all MPs. The social profile of AfD MPs, especially their school and tertiary education as well as their professional qualifications do not differ much from those of the representatives of established parties in the Bundestag. But to meet the functional requirements of a working parliament, MPs need not only sufficient intellectual capabilities but also enough experience in political and parliamentary institutions. However, despite the fact that nearly half of its members had been members of other parties before joining the AfD, their representatives continue to lack political and/or parliamentary experience. It is disputable whether this lack can be compensated by a kind of training on the job while being a member of parliament. It might be that the AfD’s indifference towards the political agenda and strategies, their oscillation between parliamentary and “movement” orientation can partially be seen as result of this lack of parliamentary experiences.

Abstract

Just one year after its foundation in 2013, the far right party Alternative for Germany (AfD) succeeded in being represented in every German state parliament as well as in the European Parliament. In 2017, 94 AfD representatives were elected into the Bundestag, gaining roughly a 13 percent share of all MPs. The social profile of AfD MPs, especially their school and tertiary education as well as their professional qualifications do not differ much from those of the representatives of established parties in the Bundestag. But to meet the functional requirements of a working parliament, MPs need not only sufficient intellectual capabilities but also enough experience in political and parliamentary institutions. However, despite the fact that nearly half of its members had been members of other parties before joining the AfD, their representatives continue to lack political and/or parliamentary experience. It is disputable whether this lack can be compensated by a kind of training on the job while being a member of parliament. It might be that the AfD’s indifference towards the political agenda and strategies, their oscillation between parliamentary and “movement” orientation can partially be seen as result of this lack of parliamentary experiences.
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